Kvalitet er et sentralt begrep i norsk kulturpolitikk. I kulturpolitiske dokumenter betones nødvendigheten av at kvalitet må ligge til grunn for kulturpolitiske ordninger og tiltak, og kvalitet er i de fleste tilfeller et avgjørende kriterium for å motta offentlig støtte til kunst og kultur (jf. for eksempel St.meld. nr. 21 (2007â2008); St.meld. nr. 48 (2002â2003)). Men samtidig som kvalitet er et grunnleggende premiss i kulturpolitikken, er det også et paradoksalt begrep (Hylland 2012; Hylland m.fl. 2011). Selv om kvalitet kontinuerlig benyttes som argument i kulturpolitisk praksis, er det ofte uklart hvordan kvalitet skal defineres. For hvilken type kvalitet er det man snakker om, hva slags kvalitetsbegrep ligger til grunn for vurderingene som blir gjort og sist, men ikke minst, fra hvilket ståsted eller perspektiv er det kvaliteten defineres?
The concept of scene has long been used by musicians and music journalists to describe the clusters of musicians, promoters and fans, etc., who grow up around particular genres of music. Typically, this everyday usage of scene has referred to a particular local setting, usually a city or district, where a particular style of music has either originated, or has been appropriated and locally adapted. Examples here would include Chicago blues, New Orleans jazz and Nashville Country music, as well as numerous lesser known instances of local musical innovation and production.
Since the early 1990s, the concept of scene has also begun to acquire currency as an academic model of analysis. Scene’s significance in this respect has resulted partly from the criticism and rejection of prior theoretical frameworks used in research on music, and the local, notably subcultural theory (see, for example, Clarke, 1981; Bennett, 1999), and also due to the influential work on ‘‘art worlds’’ and cultural industries (Becker, 1982). Peterson and Bennett (2004) observe as an academic research model that the concept of scene can usefully be subdivided into three categories: local (Cohen, 1991; Shank, 1994), trans-local (Kruse, 1993; Hodkinson, 2002) and virtual (Kibby, 2000; Bennett, 2002). The purpose of this paper is to assess the different ways that scene has been conceptualised in academic research as a means of understanding music as a ‘resource’ in contemporary everyday life.
This paper nuances our understanding of the ongoing transition within the North American music industry. It extends the existing analysis of the so-called “MP3 Crisis” by exploring the ways in which digital technologies have challenged the entrenched power of the major record labels. In particular, new insights are offered based on interviews with music industry executives who have been active in shaping the industry's response to illegal file sharing. The paper also uses interview data from musicians to investigate the implications of restructuring at the macroscale on creative talent at the microscale. As such, it documents the structures and spatial dynamics of digitally driven independent music production in Canada for the first time.
The Evolution of Taipei’s Music Industry: Cluster and Network Dynamics in the Innovation Practices of the Music Industry
This paper aims to explore the spatial and organisational dynamics of innovation activities in the evolution of cultural industry using Taipei’s music industry as a case study. The existing literature has emphasised that innovation and creativity are driving the evolution of the cultural industry as a result of the spatial proximity effect generated by production systems. However, few studies have examined the innovation practices of the cultural industry resulting from interactive relationships between the urban cluster environment and the mobilisation process of project networks. An evolutionary perspective is used to illustrate how the cluster and network elements of the music industry are intertwined in innovation practices within the Taipei context. As a contribution to the cluster–network debates, this paper argues that the innovation dynamics of Taipei’s music industry are a hybrid feature of Taipei’s cluster environment and the strategic competencies of music project networks rather than the local cluster effect. In conclusion, a different trajectory for the evolution of Taipei’s music industry is presented. Additionally, this dynamic process between cluster and network makes Taipei a hybrid creative platform that is an active element in the cultivation of the innovative competencies of Taipei’s music producers and related workers.
The economic geography of music is evolving as new digital technologies, organizational forms, market dynamics and consumer behavior continue to restructure the industry. This book is an international collection of case studies examining the spatial dynamics of today’s music industry. Drawing on research from a diverse range of cities such as Santiago, Toronto, Paris, New York, Amsterdam, London, and Berlin, this volume helps readers understand how the production and consumption of music is changing at multiple scales – from global firms to local entrepreneurs; and, in multiple settings – from established clusters to burgeoning scenes. The volume is divided into interrelated sections and offers an engaging and immersive look at today’s central players, processes, and spaces of music production and consumption. Academic students and researchers across the social sciences, including human geography, sociology, economics, and cultural studies, will find this volume helpful in answering questions about how and where music is financed, produced, marketed, distributed, curated and consumed in the digital age.
The Role of Gatekeeping in the Music Industry: Why Intermediaries Remain Essential in the Digital Age
In this article, we study a two-sided market model of the music industry. Artists either self-distribute their music or sell it via online retailers, which act as gatekeepers by filtering bad music. We find good/bad artists and consumers to be equally well or better off by using gatekeepers due to the quality signaling function the intermediaries provide. Further, more good than bad artists choose traditional distribution via retailers because of the bad artists' relatively higher risk of not passing the gatekeeping mechanism. Despite its higher price and lower variety, also consumers generally prefer traditionally distributed music as its quality is assured. The findings may explain why still only few artists choose to bypass gatekeepers, inspite of the ease and low cost of self-distributing digital music.
This PhD thesis is an in-depth study on Norwegian dance band music and culture. Dance band can be defined both as a specific music genre with its own songs and lyrics, artists and aesthetic contents, and as a taste culture in a wider sense of the word, which includes festivals and events where the artists and their audience meet to dance, sing and celebrate the social and cultural values they share. Dancing to dance band music is the most central activity at the dance band festivals, but many people also attend the events in order to listen to their favorite bands and/or socialize with other fans and dancers present. Dance band culture also includes magazines and internet communities where the fans and lovers of dance band music read about their favorite artists and discuss their interest. The research object of this thesis is not just the musical genre of dance band; it is dance band culture in a wider sense of the word, as a whole set of social practices and aesthetic expressions. By using Bourdieu’s concept of field, the research object of the thesis is defined as the field of dance band.
Dance band music is a popular cultural expression in Norway, in the sense that a large number of people listen to and dance to the music, buy records and attend events where the music is performed. But dance band music does not enjoy a high status in the field of culture as such: Critics tend to describe it as bad taste, simple, commercial and of poor quality. The artists performing it are not included in any official cultural policy plans or funding systems, as is the case for musicians from almost every other musical genre in Norway. As a consequence of the disparagement of dance band music and culture it has not yet been the object of much research. A few Norwegian and Swedish studies, however, confirm the position of the dance band in the lower part of the cultural hierarchy. According to present cultural statistics, those who listen to dance band music are working class people with low education living in rural areas. Furthermore, the aesthetic content of the dance band music is described as classically lowbrow, in the sense that it is characterised by following strict conventional formulas rather than being artistically experimental, and that the music promotes functional use and involvement rather than distance and critical reflection.
The departure point of this thesis is the people in the field of dance band; those who love to listen to and dance to dance band music, and those who perform and promote this music. The aim of the thesis is to analyze how these people experience being part of a popular and widespread, but devalued part of Norwegian culture.
The main research question of the thesis is: What social and aesthetical values and distinctions are present in the field of dance band in Norway, and how do these values and distinctions contribute to establishing a social community in the field?
The main question is elaborated through four sub questions:
1) What is the meaning and function of dance band festivals in relation to the wider field of dance band?
2) How do the statements and practices of the participants at the dance band festivals and events contribute to establishing certain taste distinctions in the field of dance band?
3) How do the discussions on quality and artistic recognition in dance band music relate to the general social values of the field of dance band?
4) How does the devalued position of the field of dance band in the Norwegian field of culture affect the construction of a community among the participants in the field?
The thesis is based on empirical data from participant observation at events in the field of dance band, such as festival and public dances, through qualitative interviews with central persons in the field (dance band musicians, dancers, fans), and through qualitative analysis of magazine texts about dance band music and culture.
What advantages, challenges and opportunities are contained within the scope of film tourism? How can the destinations, the tourist players and the local business sector cooperate with the film industry? How have others proven successful in their work with film tourism?
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