This essay examines the consequences of technology for how music reaches people and for how people reach music. It is argued that new media technologies, particularly the Internet, create new territorializations of space and of affect. The spatial distribution of music wrought by new technologies provides an opportunity for cultural studies to bring distribution to the centre of the study of media. By so doing we can better understand cultural processes as not only industrial ones but ones of geography, audience and fan, and thereby de-centre production and consumption as the sites of cultural critique.
The music recording industry is a highly-concentrated five firm oligopoly. Much of the dominance achieved by larger tirms in the industry results from control over the distribution and promotion of the products of the industry. Alexander (1994b), predicted that new compression routines would facilitate the efficient transfer of digital music across the internet. MP3 compression routines have made such transfers relatively simple and efficient. While smaller new entrants have not yet been able to exploit this new technology in terms of market share, an element of uncertainty exists recarding the sustainability of the prevailing structure, due to large scale non-sanctioned file sharing. Despite the industry's legal efforts to suppress non-sanctioned file distribution, peer-to-peer networks may render these efforts futile. However, peer-to-peer networks must overcome structural and institutional problems, in particular, free-riding.
Dette bidraget baserer seg på kvalitative intervjuer med et tjuetalls informanter i musikkbransjen. Siktemålet med undersøkelsen er å si noe om situasjonen i bransjen med utgangspunkt i intervjuer med et utvalg sentrale aktører.
The Competitive Foundations of Localized Learning and Innovation: The Case of Women's garment Production in New York City
This article considers the relevance of the "local" for firm learning in New York City's Garment District. By documenting the design innovation process in the district's women's wear industry and the ways in which designers draw on the district's specialized services and institutions to assist in the process, the article examines how a localized agglomeration or "cluster" facilitates the development of shared conventions and practices. It also shows how the district confers benefits on firms in indirect ways. Since apparel manufacturers operate in a U.S. regulatory framework that inhibits cooperation, the Garment District's support institutions serve as production intermediaries, providing firms with a means to monitor and observe rival firms' performances and solutions. As such, the case of the Garment District poses interesting challenges to the prevailing conceptions of the "local" as a site for cooperation and suggests the need to rethink the relevance of competition for learning and innovation.
To determine whether sharing music over peer-to-peer networks such as Napster should be considered copyright infringement, we must first conclude that digital works are entitled to copyright protection. This Article argues against copyright protection for digital works because the economics of digital technology undercuts prior assumptions about the efficacy of a private property regime for information, a public good. Questioning the conventional wisdom that the two interests served by copyright, creation and public dissemination, are aligned, the Article reveals that the argument for copyright is primarily an argument for protecting content distributors in a world in which middlemen are obsolete. Copyright is no longer needed to encourage distribution because consumers themselves build and fund the distribution channels for digital content. With respect to the creation of music, this Article argues that exclusive rights to reproduce and distribute copies provide little if any incentive for creation, and that digital technology makes it possible to compensate artists without control.
The distribution of talent, or human capital, is an important factor in economic geography. This article examines the economic geography of talent, exploring the factors that attract talent and its effects on high-technology industry and regional incomes. Talent is defined as individuals with high levels of human capital, measured as the percentage of the population with a bachelor's degree and above. This article advances the hypothesis that talent is attracted by diversity, or what are referred to as low barriers to entry for human capital. To get at this, it introduces a new measure of diversity, referred to as the diversity index, measured as the proportion of gay households in a region. It also introduces a new measure of cultural and nightlife amenities, the coolness index, as well as employing conventional measures of amenities, high-technology industry, and regional income. Statistical research supported by the findings of interviews and focus groups is used to probe these issues. The findings confirm the hypothesis and shed light on both the factors associated with the economic geography of talent and its effects on regional development. The economic geography of talent is highly concentrated. Talent is associated with the diversity index. Furthermore, the economic geography of talent is strongly associated with high-technology industry location. Talent and high-technology industry work independently and together to generate higher regional incomes. In short, talent is a key intermediate variable in attracting high-technology industries and generating higher regional incomes.
The rise of the creative class: and how it's transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life
Many writers have commented on the massive social changes of the past few decades, but most of them have treated these shifts as something imposed on us, by technology or the marketplace. This is wrong, says Richard Florida: we've chosen to alter our values, work, and lifestyle, and for good economic reasons. Why have we done this?Florida finds the answer in the rise of a new social class. Like other classes, its basis is economic. Just as the feudal aristocracy derived its identity and values from its hereditary control of land and people, and the bourgeoisie derived its identity and values from its role as merchants of goods, the Creative Class derives its identity and values from its role as purveyors of creativity. When we see ourselves as "creative," our self-image affects the choices we make in every area of our lives.Based on a massive body of research, The Rise of the Creative Class chronicles the ongoing sea-change in people's choices and attitudes, and shows not only what's happening but also how it stems from a fundamental economic change. The Creative Class now comprises nearly forty million Americans, or more than 25% of all employed people. The choices these people make have already had a huge economic impact, and in the future they will determine how the workplace is organized, what companies will prosper or go bankrupt, and even which cities will thrive or wither.
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