The distribution of talent, or human capital, is an important factor in economic geography. This article examines the economic geography of talent, exploring the factors that attract talent and its effects on high-technology industry and regional incomes. Talent is defined as individuals with high levels of human capital, measured as the percentage of the population with a bachelor's degree and above. This article advances the hypothesis that talent is attracted by diversity, or what are referred to as low barriers to entry for human capital. To get at this, it introduces a new measure of diversity, referred to as the diversity index, measured as the proportion of gay households in a region. It also introduces a new measure of cultural and nightlife amenities, the coolness index, as well as employing conventional measures of amenities, high-technology industry, and regional income. Statistical research supported by the findings of interviews and focus groups is used to probe these issues. The findings confirm the hypothesis and shed light on both the factors associated with the economic geography of talent and its effects on regional development. The economic geography of talent is highly concentrated. Talent is associated with the diversity index. Furthermore, the economic geography of talent is strongly associated with high-technology industry location. Talent and high-technology industry work independently and together to generate higher regional incomes. In short, talent is a key intermediate variable in attracting high-technology industries and generating higher regional incomes.
Beginning in 1997, the price of concert tickets took off and ticket sales declined. From 1996 to 2003, for example, the average concert price increased by 82%, while the CPI increased by 17%. Explanations for price growth include (1) the possible crowding out of the secondary ticket market, (2) rising superstar effects, (3) Baumols and Bowen's disease, (4) increased concentraion of promoters, and (5) the erosion of complementarities between concerts and album sales because of file sharing and CD copying. The article tentatively concludes that the decline in complementarities is the main cause of the recent surge in concert prices.
Community entrepreneurship is a potentially powerful mechanism to improve the well-being of rural communities. To mobilize inhabitants for collective action, an emerging community venture must be embedded within a local community. Yet, the embedding process of community ventures is not well understood. Accordingly, this study explores how a community entrepreneur (CE) embedded an emerging community venture into a rural community and simultaneously stimulated social change in the community. Drawing on a longitudinal case study of a CE who created a jazz music festival in a rural Norwegian community, a dynamic conceptual framework was developed that highlights the roles and mechanisms that support the embedding process. The CE promoted social change by introducing external impulses to the local community and assumed a bridging role between the villagers and external actors in the embedding process. Some villagers assumed local embedding roles, while several external actors assumed external embedding roles. I identified four strategies that were used to increase the embeddedness of the community venture in the rural community and one strategy that was used by the CE to de-embed the venture in order to avoid constraints imposed by the local community. The importance of the different roles and mechanisms changed over time.
Research into the music industry has for a long time been almost exclusively dominated by a focus on the production of albums and songs. In recent years, however, cities such as Stockholm have seen the growth of a profitable and varied music services industry producing everything from remixes to music marketing strategies. Standing at the forefront of this growth industry are a large number of firms attempting to combine in innovative ways music and ICT. This can take a variety of forms, for instance: selling and distributing music over the internet; web design and computerised advertising services tailored to music products; software design focused on multimedia products and virtual instruments; high-tech post-production and mixing services; and virtual centres and communities of music industry actors. The article will examine these activities within the city in attempt to measure the direction and cohesiveness of the emerging sector. The article concludes by arguing that these type of new industrial synergies tell us much about the way industrial innovations are formed in an interindustry and inter-cluster environment, and the future competitiveness and shape of the music industry. In particular, the article argues that evidence from Stockholm points to the emergence of a post-industrial musical economy.
The diversity of festivals in Finnmark, Norway, was researched with the aim of creating a festival map of the county’s Festivalscape. Data were collected by questionnaires to the registered festival managers. It was concluded that Finnmark is a festive county where 72,000 people share close to 60 festivals arranged annually in 19 municipalities across the county. The festivals were categorized as either music, arts, sports or market festivals, however the largest group were named thematic festivals as they are each built around rather unique themes, thus representing a diverse example of festival variety and creativity. Even so, live music and food sales are found at most festivals, and all festivals have more than one main activity. Festivals are by no means a source of paid employment for the inhabitants, but rich opportunities for more than 3000 volunteers to participate in creating compressed cultural expressions and develop social networks. The number of visitors at the festivals varies from 100 to 10,000 persons. It is also a cost effective way of culture production as most of the festivals present budgets below 500,000 NOK. Entrance fees, sales of merchandise, sponsorship and public municipality funding are the most important source of sponsorship. A wide range of themes are represented in these festivals in which ethnicity, nationality and various border themes also play roles as ideological bases and cultural framing of the events. The tourism potential of the festivals and their actual production processes seems underdeveloped.
In the first section of this Insight paper, we will be releasing the results of a critical inquiry into the music usage patterns within file-sharing networks. Particularly, would a so-called long tail or a pinhead pattern describe the relative popularity of music files within these networks? In the second section of this paper, we will dig into the 'Wherefores' - particularly issues of supply and demand - underlying the usage pattern we found. In the final section, we will consider long-term trends in P2P activity alongside some new behaviours that seem to be emerging. We will then wrap this discussion up with a few final thoughts on the 'paradox of choice'.
The Nordic 'Cultural Industries': a cross-national assessment of the place of the cultural industries in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden.
In this paper an attempt is made to measure the cultural industries in a cross-national context. The paper starts with a discussion of the definition and delineation of the term the ‘cultural industries’. It is argued that a large range of goods and services may be considered to be cultural industry products and that it is important to place the production and exchange of such products in the context of an industrial systems approach. Following this the concept is operationalised using data on employment and firm activity from Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. Results are presented which suggest that overall growth in both employment and firm numbers has been especially strong in the cultural industries. However, interesting differences between the countries emerged from the data. Thus regional dimensions are then examined resulting in the finding that in all four countries cultural industries have a strong attraction to urban areas but an even stronger propensity to agglomerate. It is suggested that the spatial dynamics observed may be key to the development of the industries' competencies and success. In summary the paper presents results of extensive data analysis that show the cultural industries' important contribution to Scandinavian economies and labour markets.
The production and Consumption of Industrial Design Expertise by Small- and Medium-sized Firms: Some Evidence from Norway
This paper explores the ways in which industrial design services are organized, produced and consumed by Norwegian small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). This includes exploring the geographies of this performance in terms of how consumers and producers of design expertise organize their activities. In addition, the paper identifies seven different ways in which client firms utilize industrial design to develop or retain competitive advantage. The paper combines empirical data with the development of a theoretical contribution to the fields of product creation, enterprise competitiveness and the globalization of production. It draws on case studies of Norwegian firms of designers, as well as client firms.
Fashion companies are involved not only in producing material commodities (clothes), but also in the parallel production of ideas (fashion). The consistent use of outsourcing in the fashion industry means that material production is constantly on the move to low-cost locations. Still high-cost countries have managed to retain a sizable presence in the world of fashion. For firms in such countries, the creation of value and profitability commonly rests on the ability to produce innovative design, brand value, efficient marketing channels, logistics and distribution. Sweden, for instance, plays host to a range of fashion firms: from the multinational giant Hennes & Mauritz to small innovative designers. This creates an interesting strategic problem for firms: why root knowledge intensive functions in Sweden when customers are mainly found in distant export markets? What localized knowledge processes, networks and other factors make these firms keep their home base in Sweden? The article suggests that both spatial proximity and the role of place are important to answering these questions. In conclusion, three main findings are discussed: that the Swedish fashion cluster is not based on high-tech but it is nevertheless knowledge intensive; that fashion has a multifaceted relationship with space and is produced under conditions simultaneously characterized by both localization and globalization; that place does play a distinct role in processes of fashion branding and more generally in the creation of immaterial value.
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